The municipal elections of May 2025, in which three out of four geographically determined rounds have been completed by time of this writing, suggest that the country’s mosaic of highly nuanced local challenges and strong communal peculiarities continues to dominate voter behavior and their municipal choices.

The municipal elections, held on a six-year schedule with a three-year delay this time, were described by government officials as orderly and thus far conducted largely without issues, although some anti-establishment and civil society contenders for municipal roles spoke differently and have lamented violations. When seen against a backdrop of crisis and recent war, the secure environment offered citizens the first opportunity for a response to the state of the political system in an environment with recent governmental activism and a parliamentary election on the horizon for the coming year.

 After the economic distress and violent conflict that Lebanon has faced since 2019, many local analysts shared expectations that the 2025 municipal elections are occurring at a pivotal time to support the country’s governance system. But for those members of civil society who had regarded the 2016 municipal contest – especially in the capital Beirut – as a turning point towards broader and more inclusive patterns in local politics, the finishing line of universally practiced civic duties and active voter engagement, has not moved nearer. Nonetheless, amid logistical constraints, post-conflict recovery, and a highly fragmented political environment, observers, reporters and civil society organizations closely monitor each district, not just for outcomes, but for what they reveal about the state of local governance.

Three key aspects shape this year’s municipal contests: the need for voter and civic engagement, the usually person-centric campaign platforms and political strategies of candidates, and the challenges which municipalities face, particularly those in war-affected or underserved areas. As much as the presence of “challenges” and restraints in human capital and budget power is a common factor among municipalities of all sizes and compositions, the spectrum of local needs and wants stretches from the reconstruction and safety concerns of southern towns that are still recovering from recent conflict to the complex demographic and service delivery problems found in the Beirut conurbation and northern cities.

Issues at Stake: Participation, Representation, and Reform

Beneath all current challenges lies a pressing need to restore trust in the democratic process and rebuild a sense of political relevance at the local level after a long period of growing distrust and disengagement. The Lebanese Association for Democratic Elections (LADE), a non-partisan civil society organization founded in 1996 that works to promote transparent and inclusive electoral processes, has placed a strong emphasis on electoral integrity, transparency, and fair access, especially for women and marginalized groups.

Raji Keyrouz, communications coordinator at LADE, tells Executive that the stakes are especially high in municipal elections because of their proximity to daily life. “Local councils are where roads are paved, water networks are repaired, and neighborhoods are planned. Yet many people vote in towns they don’t live in anymore, which weakens representation and leads to a deep disconnect.”

In its preliminary report on the Mount Lebanon phase of elections, LADE documented breaches of electoral silence, ballot secrecy violations, and poorly trained polling staff, underscoring systemic flaws that persist despite administrative efforts.

The situation is particularly complex in Beirut, where debates over sectarian parity remained high throughout the electoral process. “Although the law doesn’t require sectarian balance in municipal lists, the political class insists on enforcing it informally,” Keyrouz explains.

Civil society groups like Afaal, a civic organization formed in the aftermath of Lebanon’s October 17, 2019 “civil thawra” eruption of anti-establishment protests are focusing on voter participation. “One of the biggest stakes is simply getting people to believe again that voting matters,” says Reem Dika, a board member at Afaal. “After everything the country has been through, economic collapse, COVID, the port explosion, many people have disengaged entirely.”

That disengagement is reflected in the numbers. According to the Ministry of Interior, turnout of voters in the North Lebanon municipal election round has been as low as 7.9 percent in Tripoli to just under 25 percent in Batroun. While several districts and highly watched races from the Beirut suburbs to the largest municipalities in the Bekaa saw voter turnouts of well over 40 percent, the voter turnout of 18.4 percent in Beirut was nearly as discouraging as it had been in municipal elections of 2010 and 2016. It also is to be noted that, as in previous municipal contests, a share of municipal councils anywhere in Lebanon was agreed upon by acclamation, in absence of genuine competition for seats.

Beyond voter apathy and electoral irregularities, structural inefficiencies in Lebanon’s local governance framework remain a major point of concern. Lebanon’s municipal landscape is composed of over 1,000 local councils, many of which are too small or under-resourced to function effectively.  Reformers argue that this fragmentation contributes to inefficiency, duplication, and corruption—a view supported by findings from the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies (LCPS). In their 2015 report Assessing Decentralization in the Arab World, researchers Mona Harb and Sami Atallah found that the sheer number of small, under-resourced municipalities in Lebanon undermines service delivery and accountability. The report advocates for stronger fiscal and administrative decentralization, including the formation of regional federations that can better manage resources and planning. However, such reforms remain politically contentious due to fears of disrupting entrenched local patronage networks.

Campaign promises of services, transparency, and inclusion

Municipal candidates across the country campaigned on a wide range of platforms, though most revolve around service provision, infrastructure, and transparency. In war-affected areas such as Tyre and its surrounding villages, the political discourse is deeply shaped by post-conflict recovery needs.

In Srifa, a town part of the Tyre district, Mohammad Abel El Hussein Najdi (a distant relative of the writer), candidate for mukhtar who was elected on May 24th, describes how political campaigns in his village are more about influence and community ties than programs or policy. “It’s not about visions or reforms,” he said more than a week ahead of the May 24 election date in the community. “It’s about who your family is, who your allies are, and what resources you can promise. Some candidates even claim they’ll provide solar power to every house in the village, things no local council can realistically afford”.

What is seen by reform advocates as an encouraging sign in this election cycle is the rise of independent and younger candidates calling for structural reforms and transparency in municipal governance. These new candidates often emerge from civil society or local activist movements and are motivated by a desire to challenge entrenched clientelist systems.

This shift has reinvigorated electoral debates in several towns where previously uncontested lists dominated. Civic-backed lists and community coalitions are increasingly framing their campaigns around public service improvement, transparent budgeting, and participatory planning. These dynamics suggest that, despite widespread voter fatigue, there remains a demand for candidates offering clear, program-based alternatives. Despite this, Amal and Hezbollah won overwhelmingly in the south, while voter turnout was significantly lower in 2025 than in 2016 throughout all districts in south Lebanon. Hasbaya turnout dropped from 16 percent in 2016 to nine percent in 2025, and Bint El Jabal dropping from 17 percent to seven percent, reflecting the war’s devastation as well as ongoing security risks for voters from Israel’s ongoing bombs and drone attacks.

Still, civil society groups like, Afaal, have trained over a hundred aspiring candidates, many of them women, on how to build credible, people-focused campaigns. The organization’s Dika says that their workshops covered topics from digital outreach to legal frameworks, aiming to move beyond clientelist politics. Although it was yet too early to give a complete tally, she adds that these trainings have had tangible results as several candidates who participated in their workshops won municipal or mukhtar seats this year, demonstrating that community-led capacity building can successfully translate into electoral victories. One such initiative—’Light Up Baabda’—was not only a literal infrastructure project involving sustainable lighting, but also a symbolic act to ‘illuminate’ civic consciousness.

“Women especially need support to push through community pressure not to run,” Dika explains. “We work to make sure they know they’re not alone and that their leadership is needed,” adding that “women don’t just need training — they need to know they’re not alone. That sense of solidarity is critical.” According to Afaal, this is part of a self-chosen mission to create durable support networks for female candidates, especially in regions where patriarchal structures remain strong.

Afaal’s strategy was multigenerational: older voters were reached through community meetings, while younger audiences were mobilized online. On the ground, Afaal volunteers accompanied elderly voters and disseminated materials to ensure citizens were informed and empowered.

From campaigning to governance

If campaigning is difficult, governing may be even harder. Dozens of municipalities, particularly in southern Lebanon and parts of the Beqaa, are still dealing with the fallout of recent Israeli bombardments. Entire neighborhoods have been damaged, public buildings destroyed, and roads rendered impassable. In some villages, elections are being held in tents due to the lack of functioning infrastructure.

“There are areas where nothing is left,” says LADE’s Keyrouz. “No polling centers, no municipal offices, yet elections are going forward. That tells you a lot about how patchwork and reactive the process is.”

The Ministry of Interior has attempted to mitigate these issues by relocating polling stations and promising future support. Ministers of Interior and Defense personally oversaw polling in several high-risk regions, including Akkar and North Lebanon, in an effort to bolster transparency and security.

Still, local actors remain skeptical. As the Najdi observed, “If the state hasn’t even started clearing rubble, how are we supposed to believe that change is coming from a new municipal council?”

Security concerns also continue to disrupt the process. In Minieh-Dennieh, the National News Agency reported that elections were suspended in the town of Safira following violent disturbances at a polling station. LADE has recorded several instances where polling centers were improperly secured or where staff were inadequately trained to manage tensions.

These governance gaps are compounded by long-term structural issues. Many municipalities are unable to deliver basic services because of debt, mismanagement, or political interference. Calls for reform include not only restructuring municipalities but also granting them greater fiscal autonomy and establishing mechanisms for citizen oversight.

In the sense that municipal elections offer citizens different and often more direct opportunities to interact with their community, especially more direct when compared to the presidential election in January of 2025 but also when compared with parliamentary elections, the 2025 municipal elections in Lebanon are not just an administrative formality. They are a mirror reflecting the country’s crises, ambitions, and slow push toward reform.